Safeguarding Adults at risk Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Safeguarding Adults at risk - Essay Example Abuse is defined as the improper treatment to an individual or an entity, in order to gain benefit from such practices for a better life (Pillemer & Wolf, 1986). However, this form of benefit is considered as unfair and unethical. There are several categories of abuse, which the world has witnessed. Some of the most common categories of abuse include physical abuse, wherein an individual or group contacts with others and purposes to physical pain, physical suffering, injury, or bodily harm (Summers & Hoffman, 2006). Another category of abuse, which is extensively familiar among women, is the sexual abuse. It is also known as molestation, wherein one individual forces other for undesired sexual behaviour. Moreover, there is another category of abuse, which is provided lesser importance, but has a significant impact on the victim. In this regard, the behaviour of an individual or groups leads to psychological trauma to others. This psychological trauma to the victim includes chronic de pression, anxiety, or post-traumatic stress disorder (Sanderson, 2006). Furthermore, another common category of abuse, which is widely notable, is the financial abuse. In financial abuse, individuals create circumstances to obtain financial advantages from others. The victim in such circumstances undesirably has to make payments, which is considered as unethical or immoral. In addition, there is prevalence of another category of abuse, which is the neglect discriminatory abuse (Sajo, 2006). Some of the individuals or groups are highly vulnerable to the different categories of abuse. In this regard, vulnerable is defined as the possibility of being harmed or attacked by the influence of others. Thus, it is important from the perspective of benefiting the society through incorporating some of the safeguarding measures (Sanderson, 2006). Safeguarding to

Project Management Capstone - Problem Identification Assignment - 1

Project Management Capstone - Problem Identification - Assignment Example It has also been identified that for an organization to run efficiently, management should take the responsibility of ensuring that all the necessary factors of effective project management are put into consideration. Thereafter, develops a proper plan to mitigate chances downfalls within the business. However, one of the major problems that automobile companies face is the inability to influence broader market margins. Therefore, this paper unravels problems affection project implementation in an organization and various measures to mitigate such occurrences. Similar to any other project management, project scope addresses initiatives at all levels of project management and the implementation strategies agreed at the initial stages of project development. Based on the human resource problem, several scholars have clarified that poor human resource management would directly affect capital market. For instance, training of newly recruited employees is a large problem to most of the businesses compared to competitors who prosper by retaining their employees. No company would ever love to incur expenses in training employees only to lose them. Besides, constant shifting of employees reduces outcome and competitive development of business. Wagner & Bode (2009), illustrates that the use computerized services and internet facilities within an organization are vital to changes in various ways thus relating organizational skills towards the contribution of adequate returns to the company. It has also been clarified that companies that use technol ogy often has customized response to any slightest change in liaison to consumers demand by producing goods and services through controlled production process Wagner & Bode (2009). Moreover, it may affect some sections of the organization especially members of the staffs who feel that they are ill targeted by the change process. The main purpose of a

Womens Democracatisation and Democracy in India

Womens Democracatisation and Democracy in India Problematising Democracatisation and Democracy in India Visions of political development demands/desires democracy and participation as innate to its discourse. Development in this sense thus needs democratic decisions making, informed and active civil society and inclusive political structure to reach its goal. In the Indian context the process of democratization with inclusive participation is desired through the 73rd- 74th amendment Act of Indian constitution, 1992. The Act fosters the strengthening of local government by creating opportunities for inclusive participation. It provides rights to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and women, the most marginalised in the hierarchical Indian society to participate in local government. Aiming to redress the gender and caste inequities the Act provides 33% reservation to the aforementioned categories to participate in local bodies. Post implementation of the Act that has now passed sixteen years, womens participation has been remarkably visible. This has recently resulted in Union cabinet approving a proposal of a constitutional amendment bill for increasing quota (50%) for women in Panchayats at all tiers (DNA 29th August, 2009). Media reports estimate more than 1.4 million women to occupy 2,52,000 Panchayat seats in future. It also states, at present out of the total elected representatives of panchayat numbering around 2.8 million, 36.87% are women. The Panchayat raj ministry report indicates a significant role played by reservation in bringing women into mainstream (ibid). According to this report, about four-fifth of all women representatives in panchayat elections got elected from reserved seats and about 83% of them entered politics through quota. Positive impact of entering politics and working as a panchayat raj functionary is visible as 79% of women representatives reported better self-esteem, 81% rep orted confidence building and 74% stated increase of decision-making abilities (ibid). Such a positive report gives a picture of better and inclusive governance that India is moving towards by applying gender and development approach. This step foresees increased active-participation of women in public sphere and their empowerment. However, we need to look critically at the political participation that is envisioned and the actual implementation. Would political participation also facilitate womens participation at decision-making? What would participation entail especially for Dalit women in terms of the dire consequences of their earnest assertion to realize their rights? What is the role that the 73rd Amendment Act envisages for Scheduled Caste and what is the role they end up playing? At the backdrop of increased efforts from the state for inclusive governance these are the lines of enquiry I intend to draw upon.   Dr. Ambedkar in the constituent Assembly, 1948 expressed his views on Indian villages What is a village but a sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow mindedness and communalism? (Mathew,G. Nayak,R.1996: 1). He questioned the why should the village become the locus of the political structure?(Palanithurai 2003: 27) Villages ruled by its dominant elites and upper caste have been very conservative and are based on traditional caste structure. Local self government thus would reinforce the villages as unites of elite captures exploiting the downtrodden at grassroots. Problem Statement/Justification/Purpose of research: Sixteen years of the passing of the 73rd constitutional amendment Act has brought about a remarkable change in local governance. The formal participation and involvement of Dalit and women has increased in local politics. At this juncture there is a need to undertake a reality check. Does formal participation means actual representation of Dalit women? Is the process of political participation inclusive and empowering? Does assertion of Dalit women leads to violence against them as they are not meant to participate actively? The paper looks at Dalit womens experiences of political participation in panchayat raj and its impact on their empowerment. My interest in the issue of Dalit women comes from a number of different sources. First, from a personal experience as inter alia a Dalit woman. I, see several facets to the Dalit womens experiences having been brought up with this identity and being from the same background. Secondly, experience of working with civil society organisations on Gender Justice and rights of Dalit women during the graduation as a part of field work, internship with CHR and volunteering in Dalit movement in India drew my attention to Dalit womens issues more prominently. During the process I met Dalit women activists from rural Maharashtra working at grass-roots and saw the constant problems they faced for they challenged the systemic oppression. The intersectionality of caste and gendered hierarchy that gets intensified as Dalit women enter the public sphere came forward as a new learning. The socio-cultural positioning and significantly the caste-class-gender interplay make Dalit womens experiences specific. I therefore wanted to document the experiences of Dalit women who enter the public sphere for the first time through formal mean such as political participation. Finally and most importantly my focus on Dalit womens political participation in Panchayat is because at policy level although the introduction of reservation to marginalised groups (Women, SCs, STs) at local body envisions inclusive democracy and better governance, in practice the local level politics is a crudest unit of oppression. Thus the need to study Dalit womens experiences of political participation arose from my own understanding and experience of the issue as well as Specificity of Being Dalit Women: Intersectionality Dalit women in India today number 80.517 million or approximately 48% of the total Dalit population, 16% of the total female population and 8% of the total Indian Population (Irudayam et al., 2006:1). Dalit women face discrimination on a daily basis, as a Dalit, as women and as a poor they are in extremely vulnerable position (National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights 2006:1). Dalit women make majority of unorganised labourer in urban settings and landless labourers in rural. Systemic violence against Dalit women can be seen as a mechanism to keep Dalit in a subordinated position. It is built in to the structure of the dominant society, which does not acknowledge the basic human rights of Dalit in general and Dalit women in particular. There is a clash between the expected role of Dalit women and the role they achieve because of the differential ways in which they negotiate their social status and gender norms. The new public role that the 1992 Act assigns them generates a clash betwee n traditional norms and the achieved political rights of Dalit women. Dalit women who have the ambition to occupy a political position frequently encounter resistance from the society. General discouragement becomes violence as soon as they show too much initiative, speak up and gain support from the larger community. Political participation for Dalit women is seen as a threat by the dominant caste groups. Dalit womens entry in politics is perceived as them securing entitlement to public resources. Strong Casteist and patriarchal biases against Dalit result in violent attacks, restraining Dalit women from exercising their rights through various mechanisms. There fore at academic level, I believe there is an urgent need to study the experiences of Dalit women participating in politics. It is at the village level that caste and gendered hierarchy plays out in crudest forms) With this premise I form objectives of my study the broad objective being: Study the experiences of Dalit womens right to political participation in rural Panchayat Raj system. I have following specific objective for the study: Explore the factors that restrain or facilitate participation of Dalit women in rural Panchayat Raj. Examine the impact of political participation on Dalit women in Panchayat Raj. Study the empowerment process of Dalit women through the political participation in Panchayat Raj. To suggest recommendations for effective participation of Dalit women in Panchayat Raj Research Question: Based on the objectives of study I formulated my research question for the enquiry What are the experiences of Dalit women participating in panchayat raj? Has the political participation impacted Dalit womens empowerment? What have been the attributing/restraining factors for the empowerment of Dalit women? What are the achievements of their political participation for themselves and for the Dalit community they represent and for the society in general? Feminist approach: Within feminist social science research, qualitative data, in particular in-depth interviews have  ´held a prominent place in the history of feminist inquiry ´ (Rabinowitz and Martin, 2001:44 in Kitzenger2003:126). Focus groups methods are also employed along with such talk about experiences. These are self-report methods. My choice of topic and feminist orientation required to utilize this method. This goes back to second wave of feminism (1970s) that emphasized the reclaiming and validation of womens experiences through listening womens voices (Kitzenger, 2003:125, Kirsch, 1999:4). The personal experiences of women have also been recognized in political context since then. Further Feminist social science researcher made it general to base their studies on womens voices and experiences. In fact feminist researches aimed at listening to womens different voices ´ (Gilligan, 1982 in Kitzenger, 2003:126) and  ´to address womens lives and experiences in their own terms, to create theory grounded in the actual experiences and language of women (DuBois, 1983: 108 in Kitzenger, 2003:126). With this historical reference I decided to apply feminist approach a most suitable analytic framework in my study of Dalit women sharing their experiences of Political participation. Methodology: This section methodology brings out the processes through which data is collected, collated, analyzed and interpreted. This is aimed at increasing the reliability of the study for the further validation as research is performed in order to be used. The study primarily adopts a qualitative approach as it helps to understand the subject of study through the experiences of the Dalit women. The paper focuses on the political participation and its impact on Dalit women.   It attempts to look critically at political participation of Dalit women and the trends of political participation at local level since the 73rd amendment Act, 1992. It does it so by documenting experiences of Dalit women and analyzing the complexities involved due to caste-class-gender interplay in the political participation process of Dalit women. These questions will only be answered by talking to Dalit women who have participated in the political processes. A systematic and comprehensive documentation of Dalit womens experiences at local governance is thus needed. For this purpose I decided to conduct a focused study based on qualitative primary data collected through field work. Methodology is one of the important sections of my research paper as the process of qualitative enquiry through field work has taught me more about my research topic along with the literature. After a considerable thinking process I decided that the method should be suitable to the research questions that I intend to address. As the research focuses on Dalit womens experiences the best method was to record their experiences through in-depth interviews. I intentionally kept the interviews unstructured as its being qualitative in nature, provides greater breadth. In-depth unstructured interviews allow researcher to explore a theme without being restricted to a series of questions. I being from a Dalit community and having worked on the Dalit womens issues came to my advantages as the discussions with Dalit women were focused at the same time gave scope to them to talk out their experiences without any hindrances. The rapport building and trust was achieved very easily. I lived in the f ield place with respondents and in special cases (there are three main cases) I stayed with the respondents for more than two days in order to understand and document the various dimensions involved in political participation of Dalit women. I used a question guideline that was formulated through the discussion with the expert in the field of research methodology and local governance[1] Sampling: The purposive (non-probability) sampling was utilized based on focus of my study to document and assess the experiences of Dalit womens political participation in local politics. Intentional and directed selection of Dalit women at grassroots politics was employed.   CHR, SPMM activists helped me identify data. Only one woman declined to give interview. The reason she declined itself interprets the problem faced by Dalit woman, I was informed by the activists that she Eighteen Dalit women in total were identified from three blocks of Beed district out of ten blocks and one block of Latur district. I selected ten out of eighteen Dalit women on the basis of sampling objectivity and representation of differences within Dalit women. Also, their diverse experiences of political participation were considered.   The sample was based on following interconnecting criteria. Panchayats at village level (Gram-Panchayats) newly elected Scheduled caste women President at village level SC women who had been Ex-Presidents Dalit women serving more than one tenure Dalit woman who tried but not succeeded in accessing panchayat post Cases where no-confidence motion was exercised on the Dalit women presidents Cases where abuse, beating up and atrocity inflicted Success-stories of active participation Finally 9 Dalit women from Beed District and one from Latur district of Marathwada region were selected. Three cases emerged as a main focus during my field work due to the special experiences of respondents. Though the sample was purposive I balanced sub-castes within scheduled castes by having respondents from Mahar and Mang (major scheduled castes of Maharashtra). Efforts were taken to include respondents with wide range of age in this study. Data collection: In the month of July, 2009 I visited the identified field place, Beed District, Marathwada region, Maharashtra. I already had established contacts with a human rights organization Campaign for Human Rights in Beed and its sister organization, Savitribai Phule Mahila Mandal (SPMM) which works on the issue of gender justice and womens empowerment through self help group.   With the consultation of Manisha Tokle (The founding secretary of SPMM) and Ashok Tangade (National secretary of CHR) I identified potential respondents from the selected blocks of Beed Distict. They also put me in contact with the field workers of CHR who handled these blocks. Manisha, Ashok and field workers gave me enriched information based on their field work experiences. Being well-versed with the area made them experts in the psycho-social behavior of people and the cultural challenges. Their guidance and discussions after interviews has been very important as something new would always emerge out of these d iscussions which I might not had thought during the interview. Their interpretations of the cases gave me crystallized views.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   CHR field activists from respective blocks accompanied me for every interview. They worked as informants. Their good rapports with the respondents, understanding of the region and the cultural meanings made my task easier. My own background being a Dalit woman was helpful in getting support from the respondents, establishing rapport and gaining their trust. In-depth unstructured interviews were recorded on the digital voice recorder. I maintained notes during and after every interview which helped me over come the problems in data analysis. The documentation of experiences of women was backed by my notes and suggestions from the field workers who discussed their interpretations after every interview. Informed consent: Before using the recorder I fully informed the respondents about the purpose of my study and the necessity to use the recorder Pictures of the respondents and the evidentiary documents wherever needed were taken for documentation. Interviews with expertise/ Key-Informants: I also consulted my ideas and paper with expertise as well as I interviewed key informants to gather their experiences in the field, on the issue FGD Area of study: The area of study was identified based on the characteristics of the region. The Marathwada region of the Maharashtra state was selected for the very peculiar reasons. First, Marathwada region being one of the most backward, feudal and atrocity prone regions of the Maharashtra state, second, a very special history of Dalit movement and violence against Dalits in the region and very importantly the right based work of Human rights organisations such as CHR, SPMM for the Dalit and womens upliftment. According to the first hand investigation and identification of cases I selected the following Blocks in Beed District and I took one exceptional case from Latur district that comes in Marathwada region itself.   1.1 Introduction The paper looks at how Dalit women, compared to women in general, are a different entity when they participate in Indias local self-governing institutions, known as Panchayat Raj Institutions. The 73rd Amendment of the Constitutional Act 1992, came into force in April 1993, providing an opportunity for Dalits and women – the most marginalised in the hierarchical Indian society – to participate in local-body elections at the village level. The Act, seeking to redress gender and caste inequities in rural India, provides 33% reservation to women, Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes in local bodies. Within this 33%, Dalit women are provided reserved seats on a rotating basis (meaning, every five or ten years the constituencies reserved for dalits and women are changed). After more than 15 years of the Act, Dalit and Dalit womens participation has been remarkably visible. However, we need to look critically at the term participation and what it entails—especially i n terms of the consequences dalit women face when they earnestly assert their rights. What is the role that the 73rd Amendment Act envisages for women and what is the real role they end up playing? There is a clash between the expected role of women and Dalit women because of the differential ways in which they negotiate their social status and gender norms. The new public role that the 1992 Act assigns them generates a clash between traditional norms and the achieved political rights of Dalit women. Violence exercised against women, and specifically against Dalit women, when they participate in political work, in indicative of the stratifications that obtain in the Indian social order. Vulnerably positioned at the bottom of Indias caste, class and gender hierarchies, Dalit women experience endemic gender and caste discrimination and violence as the outcome of severely imbalanced social, economic and political power equations (Irudayam et al 2006, pp.3). Within the oppressive social structure Dalit women become victim of violence if they transgress their rights and try to challenge their lower status. As gender violence, like any violence there are contexts, in relation to violence against Dalit women, the nature and dynamics of these contexts, relating to power and force, make them vulnerable and functions as a constrain to their agency and voice. This structural violence is an outcome of gender based inequalities perpetuated by patriarchal power relation also shaped, compounded and intensified by caste discrimination. Violence acts as a crucial social mechanism to maintain Dalit womens caste-gender subordination to men and that of the dominant caste men thereby subjugating both Dalit women and through them their community. Violence against women is gender-based and gender biased (Irudayam et al., 2006: 17) in the sense it the devaluates womens status in social order perpetuated by patriarchy and justified on the basis of perceived differences between male and female sexuality. In Indian context the caste ladder descending from purity to pollution, purest Caste men being on the top of the ladder whereas the polluted caste placed on the lower rung women are pushed even further down to the lowest rung. It works against their integrity as an individual; this is a violation of womens rights, such as their identity as a woman and dignity as an individual. Therefore violence in this sense means denial of rights as an individual and hindering womans development at various levels of integrity, as an Individual, as a woman in a family, a woman belonging to certain community and culture. Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung defines Violence as avoidable insult to basic human needs; he identifies the basic human ne eds as survival, well-being, identity, and freedom (Galtung 1990 pp 292). 1.2 Being a Dalit and a Woman:   Caste-Gender Nexus Dalit women face collective and public threat or act of violence which discourage them from demanding their rights, it is effects of structures on individual agency that results in the gap between potential and actual fulfilment of rights. Retaliatory violence is exercised in response to dalit womens assertions for their rights by defying caste, untouchability norms or asserting their rights to cultural, economic and political resources. Dominant caste women tend to be subjected to violence more within the family due to strict control over their sexuality and freedom of movement again due to the caste factors, in order to preserve the purity and status of their caste. There have been movements through out the country making Dalits aware of their rights and also there have been feminist movements in India which took up issues of women subordination however looking at Dalit women as an imagined category (Rao, 2003: 1) and analysing the premises which prevent them from exercising their agency is yet the area of exploration. Imagining Dalit women as a different category as Bhagvat mentions is needed, because these feminist movements and Dalit movements lack a critical dimension from Dalit womans standpoint. Guru emphasises on this Point while he talks about politics of difference to bring out the specificity of Dalit womens subjugation. This subjugation is characterised by their experience of two distinct patriarchal structures a Brahmanical form of patriarchy that deeply stigmatizes Dalit women because of their caste status, as well as the control by Dalit men over the sexual and economic labour of their women (Guru in Rao 2003: 1). Political Participation for women means securing their entitlement to public resources, the economic resources they will avail as a result of participation for them and their community, the social and political benefits such as Development of the Dalit community in village, implementation of government schemes for Dalit more democratically due their representation.   With the strong patriarchal biases against women and marginalised Dalit, the dominant caste male members would not want these sections to equally enjoy the resources over which they had monopoly since long. There has a lot been written and debated around political participation of women and Dalits, conclusions are made that there has been fairly good representation in terms of number but the mere participation doesnt help these sections to exercise their rights. Nature of participation and effectiveness of the act has been assessed too, although with limited vision of looking only at the quantitative aspect of political participation. Very little has been studied on the gender-Caste nexus which denies the right of economic, political, social liberties to Dalit community as a whole and Dalit women within it. Political participation through Panchayat Raj Institution has given space for women to come out and talk about their grievances. The reservation has limited itself to space creation even though it implied the empowerment of women and there by making them equal partners in enjoyment of political, social, economical resource. It is seen that the oppressive social structures have reaffirmed their superiority by attacking women through new ways of oppression such as criminalisation of politics, starting right from the election process to making women mere proxies of their male counterparts. Violence in the process of Political participation to ensure womens non- participate and exercise their agency is a crucial aspect to study and to enhance policies which will cut across the structural inequalities of caste-class-gender and give dalit women an equal status. I want to study Violence experienced by women at different levels of participation and look at the specificity of violence experienced by Dalit women being trice oppressed due to their marginalised status as a Dalit, as a woman and as a lower class. Doing so my focus is at specificities of violence, Violence faced by women in general which is within their families and is built around the family prestige, there by controlling womens sexuality for the purity of their lineage and superior status. whereas dalit women not only face violence from their own family and community also from the dominant caste forces who ensure their superiority and control over resources by keeping the Lowest strata at its place who according to them are worth no social, economical and political rights. 1.3 Problem Statement According to the 2001 census there are 167 million Dalits (referred to the census as scheduled castes) in India, who remain vulnerable to discrimination, exploitation, and violence because of their socially marginal position assigned by Hindu social order. Indias hidden apartheid relegates Dalits to a life time of segregation and abuse. Caste-based divisions continue to dominate in housing, marriage, employment, and general social interaction—divisions that are reinforced through economic boycotts and physical violence (Hidden Apartheid 2007). The dalit woman faces Caste, Class and Gender discrimination because she is an untouchable, of a poor class and is a woman.   (National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights 2006) Dalit women in India today number 80.517 million or approximately 48% of the total Dalit population, 16% of the total female population and 8% of the total Indian Population (Irudayam et al., 2006). They make majority of unorganised labourer in urban settings and landless labourers in rural. They face discrimination on a daily basis, as a Dalit, as women and as a poor they are in extremely vulnerable position. Systemic violence against Dalit women can be seen as a mechanism to keep Dalit in a subordinated position. It is built in to the total structure of the dominant society, which does not acknowledge the basic human rights of Dalit in general and Dalit women in particular. The 73rd -74th Amendments, former being for rural local bodies and later for urban local councils brought about radical changes in womens representation in local bodies. The method of co-option where women are elected for the reserved seats on the consensus of the members of local panchayat body or nomination, Balwant Rai Mehta committee report proposed two women representatives each from Scheduled caste and scheduled tribe to be co-opted, these two procedures through which womens representation was ensured hitherto in the local bodies, has changed. Under the previous system, womens representation in local bodies was low and most women nominated to these bodies could hardly perform any functions. All the states except for Bihar (Santha, 1999) had conducted the elections to the local bodies in accordance with the 73rd-74th Amendments act, 1992 and almost one million women have been elected to the Panchayat Raj institutions and urban local bodies (I am focusing only at 73rd constitutio nal amendment act 1992 and PRIs and not on urban councils covered by the 74th Amendment, where he dynamics are different). This brought about a social change in terms of the traditional role of women; which used to be to take care of house hold chores and raise children and be inside the four walls all her life. Womens political empowerment finally seemed to be receiving some attention from both government and non-government organisations. Serious efforts are being made towards documenting womens political participation although it is limited to the Local self government. Questions of feasibility remain unanswered such as womens active participation, hidden domination (gender blindness) for instance in the budgeting process but also even in considering women as political entities, many treated women elected through reservation as a temporary members in Local body. The consequences of assertion resulting in discouragement, fragmentation and discrimination inflicting violence are yet to explore. Violence against Dalit women is utilised to deny them opportunities, choices and freedoms at multiple levels, undermining not only dalit womens dignity and self respect, but also their right to develop. An intersectional caste violence and atrocities against Dalit women occur at two levels: as an inherent part of the caste system whereby violence is utilised to reinforce caste norms and Dalit women are seen as legitimate target for all forms of violence, especially sexual violence, and when they transgress caste norms, such as caste endogamy or untouchability norms, or assert their rights over resources, public spaces or cultural spaces. In other words, the process of Dalit womens empowerment itself is perceived as a challenge to caste and patriarchal structures, and provides fertile ground for punitive violence committed by dominant castes. (Irudayam et al., 2006) Factors such as socio-cultural notion of womens role act as impediments in effective political participation hindering political empowerment of Women; When it comes to Dalit women these factors play much intense role and are specific for Dalit women due to their social status, denial and even no recognition to Dalit womens political rights result into violence. Cases such as denial from villagers for flag hoisting by Dalit women councillors on Independence Day, not being allowed to sit on the chair along with other members let alone talking in the meeting, Ignoring while they talk, use of abusing and discriminatory language, and humiliation on daily basis are experienced by most of the Dalit women who participate as elected members in local political arena. After encountering this reality one would question that would the thousands years old socially, culturally, economically and most importantly politically entrenched patriarchal caste system ensured the representation of disadvantaged groups in politics?   1.4 Rationale: Being a Dalit and a Woman My interest in the issue of Dalit Women comes from several different sources; first and foremost me being a Dalit woman. Being brought up with this identity and background, I got exposure to the problem faced by elders of the family and community. I feel my study would contribute in critically assess structural inequality causing Dalit suppression and specifically of the Dalit women in local politics. In the name of social discipline, social balance and to maintain this social balance, Dalits in general and Dalit wom

Creation’s Contest with Evolution Essay -- Argumentative Persuasive Ed

Creation’s Contest with Evolution It began in Dayton, Tennessee-1925. A high school teacher by the name of John Scopes was charged with teaching evolution, which was illegal at the time in Tennessee. The court found Scopes guilty, and he was fined one hundred dollars. However, the Scopes trial immediately sparked one of the largest controversies in today's public school systems: should creationism still be taught in public schools? In the trial, Clarence Darrow argued that teaching creationism in public schools defies the separation of church and state (which is pulled from the first amendment). Darrow moved on to say that evolution does not disobey the first amendment. The trial denied all public schools the right to teach creationism-a belief that humans were created by a higher being-although evolution may be taught. However, Darrow's claim is being challenged. Many believe evolution disobeys the first amendment. Others believe that excluding creationism in classrooms shows an unfair bias and, therefore, gives the allusion that the evolutionary theory is a fact. This, once again, disobeys the first amendment (according to Darrow). If the only theory of origination taught in schools is evolution an unfair bias and anti-God philosophy is instilled in the students. For these reasons, both evolution and creation should be taught in public schools. Prior to the year 1925, all public schools in the United States taught creationism (Evolution Conspiracy). This widely accepted notion of God creating man was challenged by a British naturalist by the name of Charles Darwin in 1859 with the publication of On the Origin of Species by Natural Selection. In the book, Darwin proposes that, ... ...s say is legitimate. That kind of censorship and unprecedented bias has the potential to force students to believe in evolution for the sheer reason that they are not exposed to the opposing view. This in itself directly conflicts with Clarence Darrows' argument. If creationism disagrees with the first amendment, as Darrow explained, then it would only make sense that humanism disagrees with the first amendment as well. It is unfair for the students not to learn both theories of origin so Darrows' argument is proven illegitimate. The only fair way to teach the theory of origin is to explain both. Doing this will not instill Christian beliefs in the students, but rather keep the students' minds open to both sides of the two contradicting theories. As a result, students can come to their own conclusion and that is the true definition of science.

Mathematics and Moreno Valley

In all honesty, I don't like school much. My favorite class so far this year has to be either French or ACT. A few Of my academic strengths are that I'm a great listener, I don't like to waste time when I could be getting work done, and I check my work a lot to make sure it is correct or near correct. My academic weaknesses are that I won't ask questions if need help and most of the time the topics don't interest me. I like figuring problems out on my own because I learn better that way, but it can be a bad thing if I really don't understand the problem at all. In those cases, I don't know where to start fixing my problem.I like math because most of the time the answers are straight forward. I don't like having to explain myself. Dislike how long it takes to actually solve a problem and I also dislike how long math work can be. My most favorite math experience probably had to be Geometry last year. I understood it well and I was really good at it. To add to that, it was my favorite b ecause hardly ever had to study. Usually retained the information and my teacher taught the lessons well. I haven't had a math class dislike yet. Usually get an A in y math classes because I try to complete all of my work and tests with high grades or points.Before this school year, would spend thirty minutes Max to finish my math homework. This school year I've been spending 1-2 hours on math homework each night. In this class I expect to learn and understand algebra 2 well and earn a high grade. I plan to achieve this by completing all of my work and studying for the tests. Also, I'll try not to fall behind on any work that is due. To achieve my goals of understanding Algebra 2, it would help if you slowed down and explained more during notes. I'd also appreciate reminders of test dates.

Are Gertrude and Ophelia merely pawns in the world of Hamlet? Essay

‘Are Gertrude and Ophelia merely pawns in the world of Hamlet? Explore the plays representation of femininity, paying close attention to the role and function of each of these two characters in the play’. William Shakespeare’s ‘Hamlet’ can be seen as a chess game bought to life. The play depicts the events in a 16th century Danish royal family that unfold after a suspicious murder of the king. The plays two female characters Gertrude and Ophelia can be likened to pawns in this intricate web of lies and deceit, as their words and actions are dictated by the males of the play. This can be directly linked to the broader cultural understandings of gender roles in 16th century England, as women were portrayed as passive, weak and submissive to the males power strength aggression and action . As all texts position readers to interpret different characters in different ways, this text to can be read as empowering the females, by appearing to be submissive, in order to manipulate the men. However, as essentially Gertrude acts as a vehicle for Hamlets emotions, and Ophelia is primarily shaped to conform to external demands to reflect the male characters desires, the role of the women in Hamlet is primarily that of a manipulated pawn in a chess game that not even the kings can win. The play ‘Hamlet’ begins with the funeral of the former king of Denmark, that is simultaneously the wedding celebrations of the new king Claudius and his bride Gertrude, the young Hamlet’s mother and former King’s wife. Hamlet’s suspicions that â€Å"something is rotten in the state of Denmark† are later confirmed by the ghost of his father, who reveals Claudius killed him, in a bid to gain power and his wife, Gertrude. Hamlet then decides that he must get revenge on Claudius and so pretends to be mad, fooling his mother, lover Ophelia and Claudius. However, due to Hamlet’s procrastination, events take a turn for the worse as the end of the play brings about death to every main character through error of judgment. Gender roles in the play Hhamlet are a major factor dictating the lives of the females Ophelia and Gertrude. As strong masculinity was cherished, female traits were not desirable in a man, and this explains the actions of Hamlet, who acts in the realm of feminine for the first 4 acts. His fathers death bought about this loss of masculinity and Claudius further strips him of this honor by saying, â€Å"of impious stubbornness. Tis unmanly grief. † (Act 1 sc. 2, 94 ) thus Hamlet is left vulnerable and passive. He recognizes this in his second soliloquy, ‘Oh what a rogue and peasant slave am I,† and he shows his disgust at his feminine characteristics by loudly disapproving of Gertrude and Ophelia’s blatant sexuality. This is best shown as he shouts at his lover Ophelia, â€Å"get thee to a nunnery,† to preserve her purity and voice his disgust. Hamlet’s change of feeling towards Ophelia is a direct result of his dissatisfaction with his own short comings, and Ophelia has no choice but to conform to this change of attitude unquestionably. Therefore Ophelia through no fault of her own is faced with the fact she has lost her lover, but also her respectability, as it is well known she was not the innocent doyenne she is initially presumed to be, she is in the doghouse so to speak. Ophelia’s actions in the first part of the play are determined by her brother Laertes and father Polonious to great extent, as they warn her to stave off Hamlet’s advances. She states to her father, in response ‘my lord he hath importuned me with love in an honorable fashion,†(act 1 sc. 3)in such a way that would indicate she believes he genuinely loves her. Yet as he further challenges she submits without fight, â€Å"my lord I shall obey†(act 1 sc. 3) and is forced into an informant role. This lack of strength of character is in keeping with typical gender roles of the era, and is further evidence that whilst Ophelia feels differently, she is perfectly willing to go along with whatever the male figures in her life decide for her. As the play progresses we as readers gain the full force of the dependence Ophelia has on these characters, as their absence and later killing, drives her into the madness from which she never recovers. This culminates in her untimely suicidal death that sums up the purpose her role had in the play, to merely conform to the males desires and needs. She is Laertes ‘angel’, Polonious’s ‘commodity’ and Hamlets ‘spectre of his psychic fears’ . Ophelia could be called an unstereotypical female in the play, because she does not play the innocent virgin role, and she goes mad after the death of her father instead of quietly accepting it. However this more strongly reflects the weaknesses of her character ,the absence of her inner strength and reveals that she is too easily overcome by emotion, traits that are more prominently associated with females, especially in the 16th century. Thus Ophelia is dominated by the males in the play, due to her weaknesses that lead to her demise, much like a pawn on a chess board. Gertrude’s role in the play of ‘Hamlet’ is controversial, considering firstly her position of power, that she has continued to hold despite her late husbands death, as queen of Denmark. One would assume that Shakespeare, by placing Gertrude in this highly respected role is empowering her and her authority, therefore moving against broader cultural assumptions of femininity. This is certainly a possibility, given the lengths Claudius went to in order to satiate his lustful desires, as with the romanticized story Helene of Troy. That Claudius the new King would desire Gertrude as his wife, although she had already been married, had a son and was middle aged puts Gertrude in yet another position of power, but did this empower her? After all, it is certain Claudius’s main ambition was to gain the throne from his brother and so his marrying Gertrude provided, perhaps not love, but for an easy transition that would not bring about much controversy. Either way, as with Ophelia she does not take advantage of this power and is entirely submissive to Claudius. This is primarily because she allows herself to be manipulated. She is aware of the approved role of women and ascertains to it, as she states when watching the character reflective of herself in Hamlet’s play, ‘The lady protests to much, methinks’,(act 3, sc. 2, 226) Claudius effectively uses her throughout the play, most notably when he arranges with her agreement, for Polonious to spy on a conversation she has with Hamlet. This betrayal of trust to the son she loves demonstrates how easily she is led astray by persuasive men like Claudius and it is a serious weakness in her character. Essentially her role consists of a pawn, not a queen, passed between two kings who dominate her and her actions. This weakness translates to her relations with her son Hamlet, upon whom she dotes, and this is noticed by Claudius, ‘The queen his mother lives almost by his looks. ‘(Act 4,Sc. 7,11-12) That the norm of parental roles have almost been reversed, with Gertrude looking up to her son and idolising him, whilst Hamlet looks down upon her gives him a superior position, from which he directs her actions. This happens most noticeably in the closet scene with Gertrude, as Hamlet shames his mother into helping him to convince Claudius further, that he is in fact mad, despite the fact prior, she conspired with Claudius over Hamlet. Thus, this proves that she did not intentionally want to hurt Hamlet by conspiring with the king to spy on him, in the previous scene, but that she is so willing to be led that she will follow the directions of whichever male instructs her. This closet scene also gives rise to the climax of Hamlet’s rage, but in this intense emotional scene, we as readers are given no indication as to Gertrude’s feeling. It is in fact because her character is so negative, insignificant and undeveloped that she arouses in Hamlet the feelings that she is incapable of representing. This translates to her primary role being that of a vehicle for Hamlet’s emotions-thus she is again manipulated and used as a pawn for Hamlet’s emotional state. Not only this, but Gertrude can also be seen as the reason, at least for Hamlet, for the tragedy. Gertrude’s guilt and Hamlet’s disgust at her, had to be maintained and emphasised in order to supply a physiological solution for Hamlets actions. As Hamlet shamelessly uses his mother to prove he is mad, to show his emotions and provide a reason for his anger it gives rise to the question, who the real villain is in Hamlet. Gertrude and Ophelia, whilst looked down upon throughout the play for being blatantly sexual and susceptible to her passions and are thus blamed by Hamlet, are merely acting the role of pawns in a chess game, manipulated by the males. Each female appear only to fulfill the role of reflecting the males desires as is in keeping with the representations of femininity by Shakespeare. Whilst readers may emerge initially from a reading of Hamlet with the impression that Hamlet is the misunderstood hero, with Ophelia and Gertrude playing the interfering adulterous ‘ugly stepsister’ role, another reading is possible. That, through no fault of their own, the female’s submissive roles in fact corrupted the males to such an extent that they, even Hamlet became obsessed with the idea of power. So, although the females were manipulated by the males, it caused the opposite effect by empowering them, as they ended up as the reason for the males actions. In conclusion, though controversial, it is evident that due to the role and function of the females in the play, Gertrude and Ophelia were used by the males to such a point, that although the end result would suggest otherwise, their role consisted of nothing more than pawns in a chessgame. http://www2. students. sbc. edu/young02/hamlet. html ibid http://www. turksheadreview. com/library/introlit. html http://www. freeessays. tv/c2951. htm T. S. Eliot (1888-1965). The Sacred Wood: Essays on Poetry and Criticism. 1922.